This year is the 40th year of punk, if you take
your starting point as 1977, rather than 1976 or 1969, or even 1956.
Punk’s origins are less important, the essence is. The Sex
Pistols’ anger, The Clash’s passion, the Slits female revolution, the Saints and
Radio Birdman’s honest, upfront bad attitude, the Suburban Reptiles’
uncomfortable Auckland abrasiveness and Bad Brains’ fusion of hardcore punk and
roots reggae. These and many other bands shaped music in a way that still has
some authority today.
Punk was the kick up the backside music needed in the 1970s,
the swift sweep of the broom to prog, American MoR, cockrock and novelty guff
that permeated the airwaves and Top of the Pops at the time. Music had become
the mere background to lavish costume designs, puerility and daft dances as
style supplanted substance.
It wasn’t just angry; it was political: whether from 1977
(Pistols, Clash, Adverts) to its younger siblings (Crass, Dead Kennedys, The
Exploited), on through the ongoing revivalist acts such as NOFX and Rancid,
punk has been resolutely anarchist, socialist, feminist, reggae-loving,
anti-racist, eco-warrior, and opposed to conservatism. It’s the voice of the
disaffected.
And yet, four decades on, I feel a cold breeze feather my
skin as I think of what punk has become. What exactly does punk mean anymore?
Is it about rebellion or has it become a nostalgia it’s okay to like? Was it
even radical in the first place, and just another phase that the music industry
soon latched on to and exploited? Oh my, I never wanted to have these questions
floating around in my head. I was too young for the first outbreak, but you
didn’t have to live through the Punk War to know what it fought for, daddio.
So now we have the ungainly sight of John Lydon becoming John
Liedown. The antagonistic rebel typified the movement in 1976 when he reflected
the views of millions of bored British teens, beaten-down by the threat of
rising unemployment and austerity, with Thatcher’s ghastly ‘I’m all right Jack’
vision just an election away.
John Lydon |
Now, Lydon is happy to reveal he thinks ex-UKIP leader Nigel
Farage is fantastic, Brexit is good for the working class and that Donald Trump
is a nice chap and not racist at all. Always an enigma, Lydon carefully crafted
himself an image of the apolitical warrior, the man on the street who just
wants to stick two fingers to the man. His latest comments seem to suggest he
is part of the establishment, happy to promote New Zealand butter.
He is only one, of course, and I’m unaware of any other
punks that have drifted to the right. Joe Strummer’s final gig was a benefit
for striking firefighters, Jake Burns of Stiff Little Fingers remains
resolutely anti-fascist, and most new punk bands retain some semblance of that
bolshy youthful angst.
But what of one of my original questions, has, in the
Clash’s words “turning rebellion into money” become a self-fulfilling prophecy?
Perhaps the answer lies in the actions of Joe Corre, the son
of ex-Pistols manager Malcolm McLaren.
On a barge on London's River Thames late last year, the
businessman set fire to his ₤5 million collection of punk memorabilia in
protest against the commercialisation of the once-feared movement.
Joe Corre |
Corre didn’t have anything to lose, he’s already rich, so the
excessive worth of his pile of bondage trousers, bootleg recordings and trinkets
would never have made a dent in his bank balance.
“Punk has become another marketing tool to sell you something
you don’t need,” he said before striking a match to some Sid Vicious posters.
Who indeed is making money from the many punk special
publications, the compilation albums and the books reflecting on the productive
period from 1976-79 when anything seemed possible? I’d bet my prized copy of
The Clash’s self-titled 1977 debut that the people that many punks hated are
banking that filthy lucre.
But strip away all the exploitation and murky views and punk
remains the one true musical revolution, when hating the British monarchy,
opposing the fascist National Front, and wanting a riot of your own was not
merely two fingers up to the establishment, it was the voice of an angry,
youthful working class.
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